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“Islam Is Not Monolithic” and
Divisions Within the Camp of Islam
Jihad Watch 24
April 2009 Another week, another Donors' Conference. This time, it's And these "failed states" -- which all happen to be Muslim states
-- have to be propped up, and propped up, and propped up, it seems, by money
from non-Muslim states, non-Muslim taxpayers. Because, you see, it is the
absence of money that causes these states to be "failed states." And
any Muslim state will become a "failed state," apparently, if it
lacks the unmerited manna of oil-and-gas revenues (the Muslim members of OPEC
have received more than twelve trillion dollars since 1973 alone), or if it is
not given all kinds of special benefits and enormous injections of Infidel aid. Regarding that aid, see Pakistan, see Egypt, see Jordan, and, of course,
see the Favorite Charity of Everyone, apparently, the local Arab shock troops
of the Lesser Jihad against Israel, the soi-disant "Palestinians" --
who, as a separate people, were founded round about late 1967, a few months
after the Six-Day War ended, and it was time to take a different propagandistic
tack. So today has been the turn of It’s true, the Saudis will promise something, but how often have the Saudis
and other Gulf Arabs promised to contribute something, and then they almost
never do? But at least by the mere promise they escape temporary Infidel ire
and earn a good headline. Or perhaps they will offer, and then honor, a tiny
donation -- tiny given that for Saudi Arabia, which does not have to lift a
finger to take in hundreds of billions of dollars a year, any amount is tiny,
any amount ridiculous, and represents an hour or two of undeserved oil
revenues. And one doubts that If non-Muslims, or at least a sufficient number of them among those who
rule over us, were to correctly understand the ideology of Islam and its effect
on the minds of its adherents, even on many who do not seem to be possessed of
a fanatical faith, then the world's Infidels would recognize that whatever
differences there are in the Camp of Islam, the essential hostility, the
ineradicable division that Islam inculcates, is that between Muslim and
non-Muslim. Of course there are differences among Muslims. There are the outward
divisions of ethnic dress and background, and the most important difference is
between the Arab Muslims, for whom Islam is a vehicle of Arab supremacism, and
the non-Arab Muslims. There are sectarian divisions: Sunni Muslims constitute
at least 85% of the worlds Muslims, Shi'a the rest (Ibadiya Islam is to be
found only in The Western world should recognize both that there are divisions within the
Camp of Islam -- sectarian, ethnic, and economic -- and at the same time
recognize that, for its own self-protection, these are not divisions that
Infidels should work to overcome but, rather, to welcome and to do nothing to diminish.
When Muslim apologists and propagandists insist that "Islam is not a
monolith," what they are really attempting to do is to make sure that
Infidels do not discuss "Islam" in the sense of an ideology that
consists of immutable texts, and tenets, and attitudes and atmospherics that
emerge within societies suffused with Islam. They want, that is, to prevent any
discussion of Islam at all, by pretending that it is so very various a faith,
that any attempt to discuss it will, by ignoring those differences, be
irremediably false. Those propagandists have it exactly wrong. It is not only possible, but
highly desirable, that Infidels both grasp the nature of the ideology of Islam,
of what it not only inculcates but the attitudes it fosters, and at the same time,
to be able to recognize the divisions within the Camp of Islam. When an
apologist for Islam -- say, John Esposito -- says that "Islam is not
monolithic," one should reply by saying that indeed, Islam is based, above
all, on a deep hostility to Infidels and to non-Muslim political and legal
institutions, but at the same time, Muslims show sectarian, ethnic, and
economic divisions that, within the Umma or Community of Believers, can be
identified, and encouraged, so as to cause division and demoralization within
the Camp of Jihad. A little time will be needed, and these divisions, and this
demoralization will begin to have an effect. That demoralization, by the way, accounts for the calls for
"reform" of Islam. Such calls come only at times when, as in the
early 20th century, Muslims were perceived as weak. At that time, some Muslims
-- thinkers such as Abduh and Afghani, and even a powerful man of action,
Mustafa Kemal Ataturk -- recognized that something had to be done, because
there was something about Islam that caused the weakness of the Muslim camp. And Infidels are coming to their senses -- it isn't happening overnight,
but it is happening -- about Islam. This is happening not so much because of
the brilliance of those who grasp the nature of Islam, but rather because of
the effect of the perceived behavior and attitudes of Muslims, not least in the
Western world. But meanwhile, the OPEC trillions and the Muslim immigrant millions have
given Muslims the feeling that they are powerful, that they are on the march,
that they cannot be stopped. The Lesser Jihads -- that against Israel, or
against Kashmir, on in the Balkans -- are now overshadowed by many other local
Jihads, such as that conducted in Western Europe, through deployment of the
Money Weapon, and campaigns of Da'wa, and demographic conquest. And these Lesser Jihads, everywhere, together make up the worldwide Jihad,
for they are all conducted by Muslims against non-Muslim states and peoples,
and all with the same shared aim: to remove all obstacles to the spread, and
then the certain dominance, of Islam. Military means, whether qitaal or
terrorism, have received far too much attention -- though for certain
countries, such as Israel and India, the military threat is the most important,
as it is, in a way, in the southern Sudan, southern Philippines, and southern
Thailand, to varying degrees. But attention should also be given to the economic and diplomatic warfare
that Muslim states wage. And within the countries of the West, attention should
be given to the war waged by Muslim immigrants determined to confuse and
distract Western governments from undertaking sensible measures of
self-defense, whether as part of foreign or domestic policy. Attention should
be paid to how some Muslim immigrants use the freedoms of the West for the
purposes of furthering Islam, an ideology that does not accept, and would not
tolerate Infidel laws for an instant, were Muslims to become dominant. The weapons of this "struggle" or Jihad are, in the main, those
of the Money Weapon, campaigns of Da'wa, and demographic conquest. These
weapons also include the attempt to hide or camouflage or misrepresent the
ideology of Islam, and even the attempts by Muslims to dominate, for example,
the academic study of Islam. This is done so as to prevent Western Infidels
from learning the truth and from even being aware of all the works by Western
scholars who wrote in the period (roughly, before 1970) before the curtain
descended and the Age of Inhibition began. These works need to be held up to the light, so that an alarmed citizenry
can recognize the systematic attempts to monopolize the study of Islam and of
subjects related to it, such as the Arab and Muslim Jihad against Israel. Despite the differences in Sunni and Shi'a doctrines, despite the four
different schools of Sunni jurisprudence, despite geographic sweep in the lands
of the Believers, with different levels of wealth, and different encounters
with Infidels of differing power and attitudes, despite the outward differences
-- of clothing, say, or cuisine -- when it comes to Islam, the texts and the
tenets of Islam as they pertain to the role of Muslims, and the proper role of
Infidels, Islam is so much of a piece that it may certainly be described as
“monolithic.” What is not “monolithic” are Muslims themselves. And it is precisely those
divisions among them that may be used by Infidels in order to weaken what may
truly be called the Camp of Islam. But one must have an understanding of Islam
and the threat it poses to Infidel legal and political institutions, and to the
physical security of all non-Muslim peoples and polities, to be put into a
frame of mind where one can recognize the need to identify, and then to
exploit, those divisions within the Camp of Islam. If you refuse to study Islam, if you willfully remain ignorant of what it
inculcates, if you will not examine the texts, will not grasp the tenets, will
not read the great Western scholars, will not even read the Muslim scholars who
write, unapologetically, not for Infidels but for fellow Muslims -- and thus
tell the truth -- if you will not study the history, over 1350 years, of Muslim
conquest and the subjugation of many different kinds of non-Muslims, if you
will not endow with proper significance the behavior and statements of Muslims
today, you will never understand this. They have shown themselves to so perturb
the Infidel societies within which some have been allowed to settle, and they
move heaven and earth to prevent study by non-Muslims of the texts and tenets,
insisting that “only Muslims” can explain what those texts mean. And then there are these apologists for Islam, the knowledgeable Muslims
who are well versed in the sly and sinister arts of misrepresentation (see, for
example, Tariq Ramadan). With non-Muslims so often ignorant, they offer these
unwary non-Muslim auditors a standard litany, consisting of highly selective
quotation from the Qur’an and the Hadith. For example, they never fail to offer 2.256 (“there is no compulsion in
religion”) but the unwary auditor doesn’t think to ask: if that is so, then why
are those who wish to leave Islam threatened with death? And if that is so, why
are those non-Muslims who are not killed nor immediately subject to forcible
conversion, subject instead to the onerous, and for some intolerable, burdens
-- the humiliation, the degradation, the physical insecurity -- that come with
the dhimma? Yet these smooth spokesmen then proceed to offer the standard highly
selective and completely misleading quoting out of context -- 2.256 and 5.32
without 5.33, for example. Any intelligent and wary Infidel auditor, if
well-prepared, can provide the standard contents of the Muslim Apologist’s
brief florilegium of Qur’anic quotes and handful of “inauthentic” ahadith. It is natural to want to take, as representative, the most soothing and
plausible representatives of Islam. If they possess personal charm, are
soft-spoken, if the women are good-looking, if it is all on the level of let’s
ignore Islam, let’s ignore those who are possessed of a fanatical faith, soyons
raissonable, after all we are all adults in this Washington policy-making room,
we are not primitives…it is so very easy. And besides, one wishes to believe this kind of thing -- because if one did
not, how much more difficult and trying and dangerous would the monumental task
at hand appear to be. So those with the responsibility to protect us take as
“representative” the most charming, most plausible, most outwardly winning of
people. Just imagine, for example, Queen Rania or Queen Noor in their
carefully-worded appearances, and how little either of them helps us to
understand the primitive masses of Muslims, or what Islam inculcates. Their
smiles, their sly and careful way of putting things, simply serve to obscure,
as they themselves merely confuse and distract. Unless one has the mental ballast that knowledge of Islam and the history
of Islamic conquest provides, one may well be swayed by a soft-spoken colleague
from One may, on the other hand, be swayed by a charmer and smiler with, as
Chaucer says, “the knyf under the clok.” Because it is not merely the obvious
fanatically-faithed members of the Taliban who are the threat, but all those
who confuse and distract, all those who push, in ways different from the
obvious terrorism that is easy to identify and therefore to rouse oneself
against, the “struggle” or Jihad to remove all obstacles to the spread and
dominance of Islam. The business of “Islam is not a monolith” is a part of the blague. It is
designed to confuse, designed to silence Infidel examination (and criticism) of
Islam, and thus to weaken resistance to the Islamic Jihad. http://europenews.dk/en/node/22559 |
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